Lessons Learned From the Writers Strike by Eric Katz

I found this posted by Eric Katz on Working Life. Eric kindly gave me permission to spread it around.

His post should be taken as food for thought. I think that there is much to be added to "the lessons to be learned from the writers strike" and I hope to write a longer piece with a similar title soon. We must realize that a "Hollywood" strike, because of the nature of the industry, is particular in some respects that cannot be replicated else where. I wish I could find Eva Longoria on a picket line for Teamsters or the UFW, but I am not sure she has ever even been asked! And if asked how many stars would show up? But still star-solidarity was not the main lesson of the writers' strike as far as building strike support and solidarity from outside the unions. It was the use of new media. In regard to this, we must realize that the CEOs and their underlings were taken by surprise by the way new media and creative picketing combined to build strike support and solidarity. They won't be taken by surprise a second time. And you better believe that the owners in other industries also took note and are trying to think up ways (legitimate and underhanded) to counter this new strike support tool we are using here. But there are still many lessons to be learned from this strike for other unions inside and outside the entertainment industry.

Jerry Monaco

Lessons Learned From the Writers Strike by Eric Katz
Thursday 14 of February, 2008

Now that the writers strike is finally over, it’s time for us to reflect on the 100 day strike. In my opinion, the writers were extremely successful and this was one of the most coordinated, targeted, and effective strikes in recent memories. Some may disagree but considering the powerful media conglomerates that opposed the writers. So lets go through the strike and talk about some of the reasons the strike was so successful and the lessons that can be learned by organized labor from the writers.


Cross posted at Daily Kos (http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2008/2/14/122440/464/954/456706) and Open Left (http://openleft.com/showDiary.do?diaryId=3917).


Garner Public Support

One fascinating aspect of the writers strike was the general support from the public. You would think that average Americans would find little patience for the people that cut off their favorite shows. Yet the writers garnered public support throughout the process. A Pepperdine survey showed that 63% of those surveyed sided with the writers during the process (http://bschool.pepperdine.edu/research/writersstrike/findings/writerstrike.pdf). Similarly, a USA Today/Gallup poll found 60% of the public supported the writers (http://www.usatoday.com/life/television/news/2007-12-18-strike-poll_N.htm). These numbers are nothing short of remarkable.

The writers were effective at marketing themselves and their campaign to the public. They used a variety of direct tools such as youtube to promote themselves in a comedic but targeted way. Their message resonated with the public and Americans were willing to give up new episodes of The Office and 24 in order to stand in solidarity with the writers. The WGA was destined to succeed with the public on their side, and such public support is crucial in any labor strike.

Utilize Celebrities Effectively

One of the high notes of the writers strike was the effect on the Golden Globe awards. To keep the entire membership of the Screen Actors Guild away from the red carpet sent a strong message to the producers, showing solidarity in Hollywood. Obviously the writers have a keen advantage in accessing celebrity support, as many famous actors were once writers. Still, showing off actor support to the public helped keep favorable opinion ratings of the writers strike.

It wasn’t just the support of celebrities but the way in which these actors articulately and ironically supported the writers. Tina Fey picketed outside of RockefellerCenter. Julia Louis-Dreyfus picketed in the shadow of a billboard for hew new CBS show (http://www.showbuzz.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/11/07/tv/main3464692.shtml). Steve Carrell stopped production on The Office and posted a note saying Michael Scott was sick and couldn’t work with a case of “enlarged testicles”. These actors targeted their support to send a strong message to both the producers and the public at large. Organized labor should take note of the way the writers used celebrity support and learn how to target celebrity endorsements into similar effective messages.

Keep Picketing Creative

It’s safe to say that the picket lines organized by the writers were some of the most creative seen in recent memory from a labor strike. Writers filmed youtube sketches during strikes. They organized theme days such as “Picket With the Stars”, “Bring Your Kids”, “Performers with Disabilities”, and a GLBT themed picket. Alicia Keyes and K.T. Tunstall performed at the lines. Celebrities and other supportive unions sent over food to picketers on mass, with Eva Longoria’s delivery of pizza attracted special attention. Picketers used signs like “They Wrong, We Write.” (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/26/business/media/26strike.html?_r=1&oref=slogin)

Yet despite some of the silliness, the writers maintained a sense of professionalism and solidarity throughout the strike, leading to praise from many union leaders. The WGA found an effective way of incorporating creativity to keep the picket lines fresh and fun for their membership while also keeping the major goals in mind and staying targeted in their efforts. Obviously some of the creativity the writers used would make some blue collar union membership a little uncomfortable but labor can learn to bring some creativity to the picket lines. The writers kept themselves entertained during the strike and so they continued to come out day after day. Similar tactics could be important to keep union memberships dedicated and rejuvenated on the picket lines.

Overall the WGA did a great job with their strike and won a successful campaign against the producers. Yes, the writers didn’t win everything they wanted in their contract, but they won on 2 of their 3 major goals (jurisdiction and payment of new media but not animation and reality television revenue streams). Additionally the writers put themselves into a strong bargaining position for their next contract in three years. I hope others in organized labor will take note of these lessons and apply some of the successes of the writers strike to their own causes.
Read more posts by Eric Katz
Tags: writers strike, organized labor, Solidarity

A Message of Thanks to the Writers' on the Picket Line from One of Your Supporters

A Message of Thanks to the Writers' on the Picket Line from One of Your Supporters:	Feb. 13th, 2008 @ 12:47 pm

I am proud of the brothers and sisters at the WGA. You have done a good thing for the union movement. The level of solidarity of your unit is a lesson to us all. The use of new media to get your message out should be taken up as much as possible by all unions. The level of strike support by non-WGA members should bring hope to all of our union brothers and sisters.

A strike is never won completely. You can never know for sure when victory is yours. I have seen great contracts signed after a unified strike and the actual long term prospects that the strike gave access to lost by frittering away of unity. I have seen mediocre contracts signed in the midst of contentious union in-fighting with the result that the specific union and the union movement as a whole has come away stronger and ready for future struggle. A strike is not won or lost on the day the strike ends. It will be the future that will tell. If this fight leads to a Hollywood more united against the conglomerates, to a SAG and WGA in continuous collaboration, to greater connections with the union movement as a whole, and to a spread of the lessons of this strike to other unions in Southern California and across the country, then the victory will not be just in the here and now for this contract but a permanent victory that will grow.

So this is what I have to say: Start organizing now for SAG, for the Teamsters, for other Hollywood unions and for your future contract. Don't forget the lessons you learned in this fight. You are writers, you should write those lessons down. Create a collective history so others can see.

I have a few hopes for the future, the future of the writers' at the WGA, of the website United Hollywood, and the future of the Hollywood union movement. I will list the obvious along with the not so obvious. I hope at later times to write two longer posts on "the measure of victory" and "the lessons for other unions of the WGA strike."

1) Most immediately you need to support SAG and the Teamsters in their upcoming contract negotiations. Do not fall asleep on this, especially in regard to the Teamsters.

2) You need to find a way to unite all Hollywood unions in one bargaining coalition. (I do not yet hope that there will be a single industrial wide union but that should be an aim of the most conscious union members.)

3) Is there any possibility that some tech savvy writers might volunteer to help other unions in need? Damn it! there have been a few organizing drives that I have been involved with, and one major strike here in NYC, that your kind of righteous propaganda, use of youtube, picket line interviews, web log-rolling could have helped us to get the news out to the public that we are not "greedy" truck drivers or transit workers, but just brothers and sisters making a living. (Also star power would help.)

4) I would like to know more about rank and file connections between Hollywood unions and other unions in Southern California.

5) I would like to hear some respectful but clear eyed discussion of IATSE and how to incorporate IATSE into a "United Hollywood" movement.

Going forward will prove the success of this strike. Don't let victory slip through your fingers by relaxing. As Verrone said, you must build on your unprecedented unity. Organize the unorganized! Join with other unions.

The strike captains I read on the internet, heard in interviews, and the ones I met on the picket line in New York were the backbone of this strike. Don't let anyone tell you that this strike wasn't yours because you made it yours. In my 30 years of involvement in the union movement I have rarely met a more motivated group of strike and line captains. They made it a pleasure for me to show up at the picket line in cold, rain, and sleet. I want to thank them.

I want to thank your leadership and your rank and file for giving the union movement a win that can be built upon.

Jerry Monaco

Tags: labor movement, picket lines, responsibility, solidarity, strike, strike tactics, strikes, tv, unions, wga, workers, writers, writers' strike, writing

Working Class Traditions and Faith: Solidarity or Despair

Working Class Traditions and Faith: Solidarity or Despair	Jan. 24th, 2008 @ 01:56 pm

New York is a union town. Or at least it used to be.


During the transport workers' strike in December 2005 the most common type of response I heard from those who opposed the strike was, "They have health care benefits and a decent salary. I work hard at my job. I work sixty hours a week and they call me a temp and I don't have health care benefits. Why shouldn't they pay more for their health care? Why should the transit workers get more when I won't get more?"


The response could have been: "Maybe if I had a union I'd get good benefits and a half-decent salary also. I'm glad they got some of theirs; I wish I could get some of mine."


Both responses share a similar ignorance about the world. Both responses reveal an unawareness of history and how difficult it is to fight for one's self, for and with other people. The reality is that it is always easier to lose than to win and when you win you never win as much as was given in blood, sweat, and thought. It is not easy to win a good union and a strong union that will fight for all and still hear the voice of the individual. It is hard work, and both responses are ignorant of this work and the risks involved.


And here is the crossroads of these two ways of thinking. Ignorance cannot be the only reason for a person to articulate the first response rather than the second. There is something deeper in the current cultural conjuncture that makes the first response common, even among working people.


The followers of Marx would claim that the above two responses show the level of class consciousness. I do not want to deny the essential truth of this even on an elementary level but I think that a traditional Marxist analysis can only take me halfway into my essay on the reasons for the above two responses. When I was in Norway many years ago I heard doctors and lawyers insist that they were part of the broad working class. For sure, these doctors and lawyers were socialists but it was not an unusual response among the professional classes in Norway to look at themselves as workers and think of themselves as involved in the same struggles as factory workers. Here in the United States everybody from Donald Trump to the unemployed who live in the worse slums claim that they are "middle class." These are simple matters of cultural identification yet they are significant because they articulate in the form of broad-brush self-labeling a level of cultural awareness. Working class traditions and middle class traditions are not the same. The tradition of working class solidarity, the sense that "we are all in this together and must stick together against the bosses" is much different from the tradition of middle class striving and individuality. I do not mean to idealize either tradition. Working class solidarity often enough turns into a suspicion of individuality and into forced conformity. On the other side, middle class striving and individuality often enough turns into social-climbing and selfishness. I do not believe that solidarity and individuality are mutually exclusive but there is a certain tension between the two. But what I am saying is that there is something deep in our culture, beyond even class consciousness, that brings people to identify with values of social striving and individuality, over and against solidarity and cooperation, and this is part of the reason why people will prefer to self-identify as middle class rather than working class.


The lack of solidarity with fellow workers only partially covers the reason why so many people prefer the first kind of ignorance as opposed to the second kind of ignorance. It should be obvious that I prefer the second kind of ignorance to the first. I believe the second response allows for the possibility of learning about others; it fosters curiosity into ways of thinking and doing of other grooups that the first kind of response blocks from view. I want to emphasize here that this is a matter of "mere belief," a secular faith, that is rational but cannot be proved. In short the second response shows a generosity of the heart, a lack of narrowness and meanness when regarding ones' fellow humans that the first response does not show.


And this "generosity of the heart" is also a matter of "faith."


In my leftist and atheist way I come in this essay to an insight made by radical religions. The opposite of faith is despair, and neither of these responses are opposed to rationality or are necessarily irrational.


I think a deep individualism of despair is part of the social consciousness of our time. I believe that examples of this despair are everywhere. It can be seen in the lack of generosity of the heart in most fundamentalist "faiths." I think it can be shown that "fundamentalist" religions of all kind are not reactions of the "faithful" but reactions of the despairing. They are social expressions of despair. This is the opposite of the faithful and solidaristic reaction of many religions during the rise of Protestantism, for example. Fundamentalist religions are the inside-out expression of resentment and individualism, a collective focus on narrow salvation and a deep belief in the end of the world.


I only use fundamentalist religion as one outward expression of social despair, because these religions are not the problem I wish to focus upon. I think that the generation of despair is an ignored factor of why solidarity is not a value among us. Many people have stopped believing that their actions can make things better. They don't believe that they can cooperate with others in ways that can improve the lives of all. They believe that the world will get worse and individual lives will get worse so that the only way to improve one's own life is by holding on against others. This despair is not new or unique in history. But I think that one reason it is so strong is that there is a material basis for it in everyday reality. It is despair fostered by social conditions, this is true, but environmental conditions and the possibility that humans are destroying themselves on a global scale also fosters such despair. There is not only a lack of revolutionary optimism -- the belief that society will improve with the radical transformation of the whole -- but also a lack of simple capitalist optimism -- the belief that the economy will bring prosperity and that this will mean that individual lives will improve. I think that this despair is fundamentally a lack of faith in collective betterment and in the possibility of working with others. If I am correct then this means that despair is independent of individual psychology. A person can be personally optimistic about his or her life and still exhibit this fundamental lack of faith.


New York was once a union town. When workers were on strike, anywhere, there was a knee jerk reaction among working class New Yorkers that the strikers should stick it to the bosses because if the strikers lives improved there was a better possibility that every one's life would improve. The reaction was local and personal.


When Mike Quill, one of the founders of the Transit Workers Union, was served with an order that found the 1966 Transit Worker strike illegal his response was, "The judge can drop dead in his black robes." Many fellow New Yorkers accepted the inconvenience of the 1966 transit workers' strike and admired the audacity of Mike Quill. This was partially because most of these workers had memories as deeply rooted in tradition as Quill. Quill remembered the "illegal" strikes in Ireland during the struggle for independence. Probably the single most important action leading to Irish independence was the illegal sympathy strike action by the transport workers union in Ireland in the period of 1919-1921. The railroad workers refused to carry arms or troops, thus depriving the British of a safe way of bringing troops to bear on rebellions through out Ireland. The demonstrable strength of unions to improve lives, to act together for political and social ends, was obvious to Mike Quill and most of his fellow workers. It was obvious because, even when specific historical details were not known, this kind of solidarity was a living tradition. It was also obvious to many New Yorkers of every background that solidarity was preferable to despair and that those were the two choices, because many had memories similar to Mike Quill's in their own experiences in life.


Such memories either become living traditions that are practiced or else they disappear. Once such traditions disappear then they are felt as a hole, as something lacking, as a longing, and often the response to this "hole" is helplessness and despair.


We have reached a state that even on the left such traditions of simple solidarity are not obvious. It is this observation about the left that inspired these thoughts in the first place.


I have written a lot about the writers' strike in my journal. In doing so my original intention was to try to explain to some of my fellow leftists why this strike was of some importance. I assumed that leftists would hope for the best for the WGA strike, but might not see that this was a crucial strike for the labor movement. I assumed that most leftists would not know the history of the writers' union or the importance to Southern California of the Hollywood unions in general. I assumed that they would not know the broader issues of this strike that made it different from any strike in Hollywood for the last 60 years. I did not expect them to reject the writers because they are supposedly well-off and "middle class." I did not expect reactions from leftists along the lines of "I hate television so I really don't give a damn about this strike." Such reactions are more than ignorant when expressed from a supposed leftist. They show a certain amount of despair along similar lines of the first reaction above. This reaction is also the most common reaction I find posted in the readers' comments sections on the websites of papers such as The New York Times and The Los Angeles Times. The sense of such comments is: "The issues that these workers care about are nothing to me, can be nothing to me, since I don't get anything out of them myself." I simply did not expect some leftists, even if they are a small minority of our tribe, to echo the corporate controlled media on the writers' strike. Basically, this is the same kind of solipsistic despair that I expect from non-leftists.

Recently I watched the Ken Loach and Paul Laverty film The Wind That Shakes the Barley, a film that I highly recommend to all. It fascinated me greatly so I listened to the commentary given by Ken Loach and an historian. At one point Loach said (I can only paraphrase) that it is extraordinary how much hope, faith, and belief in others that people can bring to a cause, even under extreme circumstances. He continued, by saying that it is in the interest of rulers to hide from people the very fact of their collective power, and especially the power of workers when they stick together for the future benefit of all. His example was the very same transport workers strike in Ireland that Mike Quill experienced as a teenager. The lesson for me was that history, memories, and traditions are the living integument of faith and hope. One cannot live with them alone. These traditions are not locked in one's brain. The kind of faith in collective action and the possibility (never the certainty) of change for the better comes, at some point in one's life, from doing, and can come from nowhere else. The rulers and owners of our society are the ultimate enemy. But to some great extent it is the politics of despair that we confront everyday when we ask people to rebel. In a phrase he borrowed from Erich Fromm, Martin Luther King, Jr. in his "Why I Oppose the War In Vietnam" speech in 1967, called for "a revolution of hope." He did not leave the notion of this revolution unspecified and abstract. He spelled out how hope and solidarity must go hand together and must be built and lived and remembered.

At the end of John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath, Tom Joad says,

I'll be all around in the dark - I'll be everywhere. Wherever you can look - wherever there's a fight, so hungry people can eat, I'll be there. Wherever there's a cop beatin' up a guy, I'll be there. I'll be there in the way guys yell when they're mad. I'll be there in the way kids laugh when they're hungry and they know supper's ready, and when people are eatin' the stuff they raise and livin' in the houses they built - I'll be there, too.

This is an echo of Eugene Debs' statement to the court upon being convicted and sent to jail for opposing World War I.

Your Honor, years ago I recognized my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free.

The faith in others and the hope for the future it takes to believe such statements is not merely a matter of what the "religionists" call "grace." It is a matter of daily work and lived experience.


Jerry Monaco
24 January 2008
New York City






This
work by
Jerry Monaco is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 United States License.

Tags: capitalism, cinema, despair, eugene debs, faith, history, hope, ideology, ken loach, mlk, organizing, propaganda, responsibility, socialism, solidarity, strikes, unions, wga, writers, writers' strike